Statistical Evidence of Dominion Election Fraud? Time to Audit the Machines.


Overview

Statistical analysis of past presidential races supports the view that in 2020, in counties where Dominion Machines were deployed, the voting outcomes were on average (nationwide) approximately 1.5% higher for Joe Biden and 1.5% lower for Donald Trump after adjusting for other demographic and past voting preferences. Upon running hundreds of models, I would say the national average effect appears to be somewhere between 1.0% and 1.6%.

For Dominion to have switched the election from Trump to Biden, it would have had to have increased Biden outcomes (with a corresponding reduction in Trump outcomes) by 0.3% in Georgia, 0.6% in Arizona, 2.1% in Wisconsin, and 2.5% in Nevada. The apparent average “Dominion Effect” is greater than the margin in Arizona and Georgia, and close to the margin for Wisconsin and Nevada. It is not hard to picture a scenario where the actual effect in Wisconsin and Nevada was greater than the national average and would have changed the current reported outcome in those two states.

Assuming the “Dominion Effect” is real, it is possible that an audit of these machines would overturn the election.

These results are scientifically valid and typically have a p-value of less than 1%, meaning the chances of this math occurring randomly are less than 1 in 100. This article, and its FAQ, shows many ways to model the “Dominion Effect.” In addition to the FAQ, I wrote a highly technical third article where millions of regressions are analyzed which further confirms the article you are currently reading.

The best way to restore faith in the system is to audit the Dominion voting machines in Arizona, Georgia, Nevada, and Wisconsin.

 

Study Design

In 2008, although Dominion was in many counties in New York and had an insignificant presence in Wisconsin, it had no presence in the rest of the USA.

Dominion built up its presence in 2012, increased it in 2016, and increased it further in 2020.

The following images, taken from verifiedvoting.org, show the build up from a geographic perspective.

Dominion Voting Machines 2008

 

Dominion Voting Machines 2012

 


Dominion Voting Machines 2016

 


Dominion Voting Machines 2020

We wish to know if Dominion affects elections so we will test election results from 2008, when Dominion was not present, against 2020 when Dominion was fully present and alleged to have committed fraud. We will exclude New York from this analysis because Dominion already had a presence there in 2008. We also will exclude Alaska for lack of county specific data.

Our study is as follows:

  • Null hypothesis: Dominion machines are not associated with change in voter outcomes
  • Alternative hypothesis: The presence of Dominion machines affects election outcomes.

To do this study, we will link results from 2008 to 2020 by each county, parish, or in some cases city. Since this is usually based on county, we will refer to it as county in this article.

By comparing the county to itself, we are constructing the test similar to how a drug company would test the effects of its proposed therapy. In this case, we have 3,050 counties that do not have Dominion in 2008. In 2020, 657 of the counties have Dominion while 2,388 do not. If we assume that the same societal forces are acting upon all of these counties equally, then in comparing the average change from 2008 to 2020 for Dominion counties versus non Dominion counties, we should have a similar change in voter share. In this regard, it is as if Dominion is the proposed treatment, and non-Dominion is the placebo.

When doing this analysis, we do NOT see a change that is constant across counties. In fact, below are the results comparing 2008 to 2020. A verbal description is “the average US county’s percentage of vote for the Democrat presidential candidate was 8.4 percentage points less Democrat in 2020 (Biden vs. Trump) than in 2008. (Obama vs. McCain). However, despite this 8.4%-point decrease, Dominion counties only decreased 6.4% points, while the non-Dominion counties decreased 9.0% points.”

Dominion Counties vs. Non-dominion Counties
Dominion Number of Counties Average of Difference
No 2,393 -9.0%
Yes 657 -6.4%
Total 3,050 -8.4%

Incidentally, you may be surprised that the country trended Republican as a whole. This is not surprising when you realize that we are comparing  the outcome of Obama vs. McCain which was not close vs the Biden vs. Trump election which is closer.

Are these results statistically significant?

Yes. We can run a simple linear regression using ordinary least squares, obtaining the following results. Note: a p-value indicates the likelihood of this occurring randomly.

Simple Linear Regression: Ordinary Least Squares
Variable Coefficient P-value
Intercept -8.98% 0.000%
Dominion 2.55% 0.000%

You can verify this yourself by running an ordinary least squares against this dataset.

A pure academician would say, “You are not correcting for heteroscedasticity. Unless you account for this, the results are not valid.”  (For purposes of this article, heteroscedasticity is when the error of our model varies by the size of the county.) However, we can correct for this by applying heteroscedasticity-consistent standard errors. By applying this technique, we obtain the following significant results.

Simple Linear Regression: Ordinary Least Squares, Two types of P-values
Variable Coefficient P-value P-value Consistent
Intercept -8.98% 0.000% 0.000%
Dominion 2.55% 0.000% 0.000%

A pure academician would now say, “You are treating each county the same regardless of its size. You are treating a large place like L.A. County the same as a very thinly populated county.”

We can also correct for this. We can weight each observation by the total number of Republican and Democratic presidential combined votes for 2008 and 2020. Statistically, we will apply the weighted least squares technique.

Furthermore, in addition to using the standard approach, we can use heteroscedastic-consistent error term estimation like we did above. Doing this yields the following results. (You’ll notice that the p-value for Dominion using the weighted-least squares and heteroskedastic consistent approach is 0.26%. This means that this technique gives a 0.26 out of 100 chance that this occurred randomly, which is still considered “statistically significant.”)

Simple Linear Regression: Weighted Least Squares, Two types of P-values
Variable Coefficient P-value P-value Consistent
Intercept -1.72% 0.00% 0.00%
Dominion 1.96% 0.00% 0.26%

This analysis can be seen in an Excel workbook here.

Alternatively, this analysis can be performed in R using this
R code and CSV file.

If you would like to verify the data, the assembling of the data can be seen in this sheet.

I obtained data from three sources: 1) Prior election data from: MIT Election Data Science Lab, 2) Current election data from: Politico , and 3) Dominion data from: VerifiedVoting.Org.

Does this prove Dominion is associated with changing election outcomes? No. For example, it could simply mean that the counties adopting Dominion corresponded to counties that were trending less Republican anyway; their lack of trending Republican is statistically significant, independent of Dominion. In fact, I believe this is true, but after controlling for other variables we can eliminate this issue.

 

Can we control for other factors?

Unlike a drug company’s test of a new treatment, our counties were not randomly selected to be “treated” by Dominion. These counties chose to install Dominion.  Was there selection bias? We should control for other factors to see if the presence of Dominion still significantly affects results.

We can obtain demographic data on a county level basis from the U.S. department of agriculture. By attaching this data on a county basis to our already existing dataset, and running multiple linear regression, we obtain the following results. You’ll notice that Dominion’s p-value became more significant as we controlled for other variables.  In some cases Dominion is more significant than the control variables.

Multiple Linear Regression: Ordinary Least Squares, Two types of P-values
Variable Coefficient P-value P-value Consistent
Intercept -8.93% 0.00% 0.00%
RuralUrbanContinuumCode2013 -0.52% 0.00% 0.00%
ManufacturingDependent2000 -1.02% 0.00% 0.00%
HiAmenity 1.92% 0.00% 0.00%
HiCreativeClass2000 6.67% 0.00% 0.00%
Low_Education_2015_update 2.41% 0.00% 0.00%
PopChangeRate1019 0.09% 0.00% 0.00%
Net_International_Migration_Rate
_2010_2019
0.53% 0.00% 0.00%
Dominion 1.65% 0.00% 0.00%

Multiple Linear Regression: Weighted Least Squares, Two types of P-values
Variable Coefficient P-value P-value Consistent
Intercept -5.36% 0.00% 0.00%
RuralUrbanContinuumCode2013 -0.83% 0.00% 0.00%
ManufacturingDependent2000 -2.69% 0.00% 0.00%
HiAmenity -0.51% 0.00% 27.41%
HiCreativeClass2000 5.74% 0.00% 0.00%
Low_Education_2015_update 3.00% 0.00% 0.00%
PopChangeRate1019 0.19% 0.23% 0.00%
Net_International_Migration_Rate
_2010_2019
0.18% 0.34% 29.70%
Dominion 1.55% 0.00% 0.11%

To provide a basic interpretation, look at the sign of the coefficient. It is telling you whether the demographic factor increased or decreased Democratic presidential voter percentage. So, from 2008 to 2020:

  • The more rural, the less the Democratic share
  • The more manufacturing dependent, the less the Democratic share
  • The more a county is considered a “high natural amenity,” the more the Democratic share if we consider counties equally weighted but not if we give larger counties more weight. Note this variable has a less significant p-value than some of the others.
  • The more a county is considered “high creative class,” the more the Democratic share
  • The more a county is considered “low education,” the more the Democratic share
  • The more the population increased, the more the Democratic share
  • The more international immigration, the more the Democratic share, although one measure had this value with a questionable p-value.
  • And most importantly, if Dominion was installed, there was approximately a 1.5%-point increase in Democratic share which also corresponds to a 1.5%-point Republican decrease, so a total swing of 3% points.

If you wish to see this work in Excel, please download this excel file.

If you wish to verify in R, please run this R code.

If you believe specific variables should be tested, maybe we already did. Please see the FAQ. Of note, since publishing this article, we have done many more models. Most of them show the Dominion coefficient to be above 1.5% and p-values that are below 1%. One model shows the Dominion coefficient at 1.42%, and I put that particular model’s entire results in the FAQ.  If you run hundreds of models, there is a range of estimated Dominion Effects that are typically between 1.0% and 1.6%.

If the “Dominion Effect” is real, would it have affected the election?

This article showed a range of estimates for the “Dominion Effect,” the more persuasive being from the multiple linear regression analysis:

  • Multiple Linear Regress: Ordinary Least Squares: 1.65%
  • Multiple Linear Regress: Weighted Least Squares: 1.55%

I find the weighted least square model the most persuasive and refer to it often in the FAQ

If there is a Dominion Effect, it adds that percentage to Democrat  presidential vote and subtracts from Republican. If the Dominion Effect is real, it may have affected this close election. For Dominion to have switched the election from Trump to Biden, it would have had to increase Democratic presidential outcomes by 0.3% and reduced Republican outcomes by 0.3% in Georgia. The factors for the other states are 0.6% in Arizona, 2.1% in Wisconsin, and 2.5% in Nevada. Click here to see the math.

If you believe the Dominion Effect is real, it is not hard to believe that this effect would be greater in swing states and could have swung these four states into Biden’s column, putting the electoral college in his favor.

What does this mean?

It means that Arizona, Georgia, Nevada, and Wisconsin should allow the Republicans to audit the machines.

Let me pose these questions to the following individuals/entities:

Future President Joe Biden: Do you want a significant portion of the population to believe your presidency was only won through Dominion voting systems?

Dominion Corporation: Do you want a significant portion of the population to distrust you and demand that your machines are not used?

Arizona, Georgia, Nevada, and Wisconsin election officials: Do you want a significant portion of your constituents to believe you are part of a conspiracy?

Transparency is the key to solving this. Although there will always be a fringe group that will never believe the results of such an audit, why not prove them wrong? They are already alleging fraud and doing it in such a way that a significant portion of society already knows about it. Here is a good example from comedian JP Sears: this information is making its way through society.

And I just showed you statistics that will be used to allege conspiracy.

If you think ignoring this will make it go away, I believe you are mistaken.

Do we want another four years where one side of the political divide continually argues that the election was not valid? Will that help our society?

How should we talk about this?

Feel free to use this data and analysis as you see fit. If you find that I did something wrong, please politely tell me, and I’ll gladly update my post.

I do not wish to be a part of any sort of misinformation, which is why I am being fully transparent in showing my data sources, methods, and identity. I wish to have cordial dialogue with those who disagree. Please note, I have a FAQ page to respond to questions about this analysis. It is always possible for statistical models to show something different than what one thinks they are showing, and I can readily admit that. If my analysis and/or data have issues, I want to know about it and I want to correct this post.

We are all fellow citizens, and I recommend we become united in our effort to support transparency as it pertains to democracy.

I recommend we audit the machines.

Author Biography

Ben Turner has spent most of his career as an actuary in the insurance industry. From 2006 to 2016 he was with Texas Mutual, serving the last several years as SVP and Chief Actuary. In 2016 he accepted a position at Windhaven, working as the president to help a struggling insurance company. Although unable to prevent the company from going into run-off, his experience required a deep dive into the fraud industry that caused Windhaven’s demise. Since then, Ben has dedicated his career to understanding the mathematics of fraud. In 2020, Ben Turner created FraudSpotters, a company providing software for insurance companies to help them identify fraud rings. In addition to his experience, he is a member of the American Academy of Actuaries, an Associate in the Casualty Actuarial Society, an inactive member of the California bar, a graduate of the BYU MBA program, and a graduate of BYU law school.

The best way to reach him is via Linked-In.

Why I did this research.

On 11/19/2020, at the RNC, Sydney Powell alleged that our vote has been improperly altered by Dominion machines.

RNC press conference, 11/19/2020

I don’t know how to process these allegations. They sound so extreme and far-fetched that they are easy to blow off as ridiculous.

On the other hand, HBO has an excellent documentary called Kill Chain: The Cyber War on America’s Elections. I’ve seen it and can recommend. Here is a link to a review at Mother Jones.

I decided I should substantiate or disprove what I was hearing. My goal was to write an article either showing “nothing to see here” or explaining why more auditing/investigation should occur.

I recommend we audit the machines.

By the way, if you have read this far, there is more interesting work shown at the FAQ. I recommend you check it out.

COVID-19, Red vs. Blue vs. Europe

I’ve observed a lot of angry debate about which country/state/political party has handled the COVID-19 crisis the best. As I read various articles online, I struggled to find anything that presented quantifiable evidence as opposed to partisan rhetoric, let alone anything that clearly and succinctly pulled the data together, so last night I did it myself. This article is for you to see what I found.

I organized data from publicly available sources into one table which I present below. The rest of the article explains how I pulled the data together.

How I determined Red vs. Blue vs. Purple States and European Countries

I went to Wikipedia, “Table of U.S. state party statistics as of November 2019“. I pulled the data into a spreadsheet and designated a state as “blue” if the Republican Party had no control over the state house, state senate, or governorship. I designated as “red” if the Democratic Party has no control of the state house, state senate, or governorship. All others were designated as “purple”. For European countries I picked the five largest Western European countries and added Sweden because of its well known practices related to COVID-19. (I didn’t add other smaller countries such as Denmark because it takes the conversation down a rabbit hole.)

How I determined the percentage of population who died

I went to Worldometers for both country and state. I pulled the number who died and put it in my spreadsheet which already had party affiliation and population. I divided those who died by the population of the political unit to make percentages who died.

How I determined the economics

This was much more challenging than I expected.

You cannot compare unemployment data from the U.S. vs. Europe because European countries count people who are employed but with reduced or no hours as “employed”.

It is difficult to compare U.S. GDP results to those of Europe, because the U.S. displays its data on an annualized basis while other countries show quarterly results.

The OECD computes rates for both Europe and the U.S. on the same basis. (Here is a chart.) Nobody seems to be disputing the OECD’s figures. For example, here is an article by CNN using this sort of metric for comparison.

I could only find U.S. state data on an annualized basis. So, I took the U.S. state data and applied a ratio to it, to make it in the aggregate equal to the OECD total US GDP change of -9.0%. The ratio used was “9.0/31.4”. By multiplying this ratio against the annualized GDP per state, I produced a value that in the aggregate would produce the -9.0% GDP that the OECD says the USA experienced. Next, I used the proportion of GDP of each state in 2020Q1 to weight the changes that happened from Q1 to Q2 to produce a weighted average change for Red vs. Blue. vs. Purple states.

For US states, I obtained the following results:

How can you do this?

I’ve given you all the links. If you would like my spreadsheet, contact me, I’ll gladly share. Also, if you detect something wrong with my data, please let me know! I’ll fix/update this article.

Why do I do this?

When I finish doing my day job, I read the news and think about what is going on. I observe a lot of heated political discussion. I am surprised at how hard it is to answer basic questions, so I search the web. Then I think that I might as well share on social media. I’ve done this with regards to COVID-19, wildfires, Joe Biden’s longevity, and the flu.

What is my day job?

Most of my career I’ve been in management of insurance companies. Currently I am helping some insurance companies with some projects, and I am also building algorithms for FraudSpotters. These algorithms are very successful at detecting fraud rings who are trying to scam insurance companies. I believe we have invented something groundbreaking. If you think our algorithms can help you, please contact me and I’ll gladly run them for free on your data to prove the point.

Mathematics of the Flu vs. COVID-19

No alt text provided for this image

The World Health Organization has advice about how to deal with the flu. They also have some articles that compare and contrast the flu with COVID-19. (For a recent interview, click here.)

Likewise, the CDC have information on the flu. (And here.) They also have articles that compare and contrast the flu with COVID-19.

We are all aware of how deadly Coronavirus can be. I wrote an article here. Three weeks later, the CDC produced their own article here. The table below compares/contrasts the results of the two articles. My article (labelled in the table as BT/NY) relied on New York data. The CDC’s estimate appears to be nationwide. From here on, in this article, when I refer to the survival rate of COVID-19, I am referring to the CDC’s figures.

The CDC provides recommendations on how to deal with the situation, as does the World Health Organization. (The World Health Organization also has a myth buster section.) I am providing no additional guidance on how to deal with the COVID-19; I only reference the CDC’s estimate of the COVID-19 survival rate to provide context.

Having said that, how deadly is the flu?

The CDC provides estimates of how many people will show symptoms of the flu and, of these, how many will die as a result. The table below is an image from their website. (Note that “95%Ul” means the upper 95% percentile and lower 5% percentile of their estimate.)

We can take the ratio of symptomatic illnesses to deaths to estimate the survival rate of those who have symptoms.

The above table shows the survival rate for those having symptoms of the flu.

Please note, that this is for all Americans and 40 to 60% of Americans receive the flu vaccination, as the chart below shows. One can only guess what the flu death rates would be without a vaccine.

You may be wondering about the frequency of asymptomatic carriers of the influenza virus. This is difficult to answer. I believe this article, published by the National Institute of Health, provides the best overview of knowledge on this topic. The article shows that academic studies which attempt to estimate this value have a very wide range. The estimates of asymptomatic fraction range from 0% to 100%. For purposes of this article, let’s assume that the asymptomatic fraction is 50%. This would imply that for every symptomatic case of the flu, there is an additional person who is infected with the influenza virus who could theoretically be passing it on to others.

If we adjust our table by this ratio, our mathematics look like this.

Because of the massive coverage of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, most people are aware of the lethality of COVID-19. However, many people may not be aware of corresponding data on the flu. The table below compares/contrasts these statistics.

No alt text provided for this image

You can compare the survival and death rates of various age ranges using the table above.

Post script:

You may be wondering how often individuals contract the influenza virus. The image below, copied from Oxford Academic, provides an estimate of the frequency of flu symptoms of 8.3% for all ages (which takes into account the flu vaccine). If we assume a yearly rate of 8.3% of Americans contracting symptomatic flu and 8.3% contracting asymptomatic flu (consistent with our assumption of 50% asymptomatic above), then we are assuming 16.6% of Americans will contract the influenza virus each year. If we assume this 16.6% is constant across the population from year to year, then using a Kaplan-Meier estimate, the median American (assuming 50% asymptomatic) will contract the influenza virus approximately every 4 years (although symptoms may appear on average only every 8 years). (You see this by multiplying (1-.166) until you get below .5)

Some sources on the flu vs COVID-19 can be seen by John Hopkins here, and the CDC here. Note that the CDC says that both the flu and COVID-19 can spread prior to a person becoming symptomatic.

If you found this information useful, please consider reposting.